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Almost a month after taking office, Javier Milei's initial “all or nothing” strategy began to encounter political and judicial difficulties - Infobae
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www.infobae.com
January 05, 2024
The President continues with his plan but Congress and the Judiciary put obstacles in his reform package. They transcended his cabinet and his small table. The macrista background that the head of state preferred to omit. The role of Patricia Bullrich.
By Federico Mayol
Almost a month after taking office, Javier Milei's initial “all or nothing” strategy began to encounter political and judicial difficulties
“A total mess”. This is how the head of one of the benches of the Lower House described yesterday afternoon the state of the situation regarding the formation of commissions, at the beginning of the session of parliamentary activities and prior to the treatment of the Omnibus Law that Javier Milei sent to Congress, in his global strategy that in the president's most intimate environment they defined "all or nothing", in that shock plan drawn up by the libertarian government for its first months of administration.
Milei plans to move on. Redesign your legal planning. As she anticipated, the game is 90 minutes. But in that roadmap, which he publicly committed to strictly following, he nevertheless encountered in recent days a series of political and judicial obstacles that began to put at risk the viability of the strategy proposed from day 1 of his administration. and the versatility of the libertarian project. In this context, in the last few hours some classic internal billings of any administration have circulated, but fueled by the institutional weakness of a president who took office in a clear parliamentary minority, without related governors or mayors.
Milei is distrustful. Until yesterday, for example, the person who will take charge of the administration of the Olivos estate, the place where the head of state is supposed to live starting in the coming weeks, had not yet been found. Her small table is made up of her sister Karina and the strategy Santiago Caputo ; the Chief of Staff, Nicolás Posse, and the Minister of the Interior, Guillermo Francos, which in these days began to feel the rigor of internal tensions due to its much more open style of political negotiation - it tried to put it into practice, for example, with the CGT - than much of that first ring of trust of the boss of State. In plants near the minister they began to look more closely at the first floor of the Casa Rosada.
On that floor, the main office, not counting that of the president, is occupied by the chief of staff. Posse is a rare bird for that position: technically trained at Corporación América, he is not used to political negotiation. On the contrary, he prefers to escape from “the thread.” He is the antithesis of Francos, who went through the dialogue school of sociolism. Posse empowers the president, unlike, for example, Marcos Peña, the head of the ministers of the Cambiemos government who, despite severe criticism which he received during the four years of his administration for his fabulous influence in the cabinet, always tended to soften Mauricio Macri's harshest positions. There is a reason why the former official was, since the current president burst into the media in those years, one of his staunchest detractors.
In the libertarian universe, Federico Sturzenegger, still an advisor without a portfolio, who also earned the president's trust, woke up in these first weeks management a succession of reproaches, internal and external, for the decree of necessity and urgency of deregulation of the economy that includes the repeal and modification of hundreds of laws and that in the last 72 hours reaped very harsh setbacks on the part of Justice. The former president of the Macri Central Bank ended up convincing Milei, according to what was revealed behind closed doors, that this tool was the best way to advance with the libertarian shock plan.
Telam
The Casa Rosada was awaiting its first setback in the contentious administrative jurisdiction in which the Treasury Attorney, Rodolfo Barra, has worked for years, an experienced administrative lawyer. But the leadership of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) outmaneuvered the government, and achieved a resounding victory in the labor jurisdiction with the precautionary measure that stopped the labor reform chapter included in the DNU devised by Sturzenegger. Yesterday, Justice delivered another bad news to the government: Judge Enrique Lavié Pico, of the federal contentious and administrative jurisdiction through which very powerful operators parade, authorized the January fair to process the protections that seek to declare the unconstitutionality of that decree, and defined that the labor chapter will continue its course in the homonymous jurisdiction, contrary to what the Executive intended.
A reality check for a government that seeks to change the logic of the political, economic and judicial system.
In Congress, La Libertad Avanza also encountered for the moment a dispersion of the parliamentary composition that risks an uncertain result for the Omnibus Law sent by Milei as part of the package of ambitious reforms that he projects for the beginning of his administration.
To speed up the parliamentary negotiations, Macri understood that the best thing was for the PRO to keep the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, and insisted in that sense so that this role would be exercised by Cristian Ritondo. When he took office in 2015, the then president endorsed with that same logic that María Eugenia Vidal co-govern in the Legislature during her first year in office with , the former Minister of Economy and former presidential candidate that the PRO founder now rants about. Massa then anointed Jorge Sarghini, and Vidal's first year in Buenos Aires had no major complications.Sergio Massa
Now, Milei considered that the legislators of that space, the PRO, that Ritondo could bring together under his leadership would support his reforms in any way. Maybe he was right. But the leadership of Martín Menem, a legislator with a last name with history but little experience, will have to exercise his capacity for collecting wills full-time in these weeks. Francos wanted a sector of federal Peronism for that place. He had thought of Florencio Randazzo . Milei finally decided on someone of her own.
Yesterday, Francos had to accept that the government reversed the reforms in the Federal Fisheries Regime of the Omnibus Law after complaints presented by the governor of Chubut and the mayor of General Pueyrredón, Ignacio Torres and Guillermo Montenegro, respectively, after the two meetings that the minister held with them in their office at Casa Rosada.
Other modifications to the law submitted last week to Parliament are also expected. In the case of the sector in which deputies such as Emilio Monzó, Miguel Ángel Pichetto < stand out a i=4>and Nicolás Massot, they want to drastically limit the modifications. They have the advice of Roberto Dromi, one of the leading experts in administrative law who, despite what is reported, has no influence over the president. The lawyer, one of the main brains of the reform of the Menemist State, was consulted by the libertarian team during the campaign.
Hurried in his strategy, almost a month after his inauguration, Milei is still convinced that he has enough social support to advance with his reforms. This is what, a priori, the most serious surveys show. There is still a noticeable discomfort with the present, and expectation for future improvements. But there is one fact that is beginning to worry, although in an incipient way: a certain “anguish” on the part of the libertarian electorate itself due to the magnitude of the crisis and the impact of the mega devaluation on daily life.
It is one of the reasons why Milei chose Patricia Bullrich to stand out in his cabinet: in the absence of good news in the economic area, the possibility of “ordering” the social protest and building a story around the security area was what motivated the president, even despite Macri, to invite the president of the PRO to his cabinet. And what gave rise to the anti-picketing protocol, celebrated by the government in its first interventions. The dilemma, in the face of the general strike and the march of the labor union scheduled for the end of the month, is to sustain it over time. The clock is ticking at giant steps.
Source:
A casi un mes de haber asumido, la estrategia inicial de Javier Milei “a todo o nada” empezó a encontrar dificultades políticas y judiciales
El Presidente sigue adelante con su plan pero el Congreso y el Poder Judicial ponen trabas a su paquete reformas. Trascendidos sobre su gabinete y su mesa chica. Los antecedentes macristas que el jefe de Estado prefirió omitir. El rol de Patricia Bullrich
www.infobae.com
January 05, 2024
The President continues with his plan but Congress and the Judiciary put obstacles in his reform package. They transcended his cabinet and his small table. The macrista background that the head of state preferred to omit. The role of Patricia Bullrich.
By Federico Mayol
Almost a month after taking office, Javier Milei's initial “all or nothing” strategy began to encounter political and judicial difficulties
“A total mess”. This is how the head of one of the benches of the Lower House described yesterday afternoon the state of the situation regarding the formation of commissions, at the beginning of the session of parliamentary activities and prior to the treatment of the Omnibus Law that Javier Milei sent to Congress, in his global strategy that in the president's most intimate environment they defined "all or nothing", in that shock plan drawn up by the libertarian government for its first months of administration.
Milei plans to move on. Redesign your legal planning. As she anticipated, the game is 90 minutes. But in that roadmap, which he publicly committed to strictly following, he nevertheless encountered in recent days a series of political and judicial obstacles that began to put at risk the viability of the strategy proposed from day 1 of his administration. and the versatility of the libertarian project. In this context, in the last few hours some classic internal billings of any administration have circulated, but fueled by the institutional weakness of a president who took office in a clear parliamentary minority, without related governors or mayors.
Milei is distrustful. Until yesterday, for example, the person who will take charge of the administration of the Olivos estate, the place where the head of state is supposed to live starting in the coming weeks, had not yet been found. Her small table is made up of her sister Karina and the strategy Santiago Caputo ; the Chief of Staff, Nicolás Posse, and the Minister of the Interior, Guillermo Francos, which in these days began to feel the rigor of internal tensions due to its much more open style of political negotiation - it tried to put it into practice, for example, with the CGT - than much of that first ring of trust of the boss of State. In plants near the minister they began to look more closely at the first floor of the Casa Rosada.
On that floor, the main office, not counting that of the president, is occupied by the chief of staff. Posse is a rare bird for that position: technically trained at Corporación América, he is not used to political negotiation. On the contrary, he prefers to escape from “the thread.” He is the antithesis of Francos, who went through the dialogue school of sociolism. Posse empowers the president, unlike, for example, Marcos Peña, the head of the ministers of the Cambiemos government who, despite severe criticism which he received during the four years of his administration for his fabulous influence in the cabinet, always tended to soften Mauricio Macri's harshest positions. There is a reason why the former official was, since the current president burst into the media in those years, one of his staunchest detractors.
In the libertarian universe, Federico Sturzenegger, still an advisor without a portfolio, who also earned the president's trust, woke up in these first weeks management a succession of reproaches, internal and external, for the decree of necessity and urgency of deregulation of the economy that includes the repeal and modification of hundreds of laws and that in the last 72 hours reaped very harsh setbacks on the part of Justice. The former president of the Macri Central Bank ended up convincing Milei, according to what was revealed behind closed doors, that this tool was the best way to advance with the libertarian shock plan.
Telam
The Casa Rosada was awaiting its first setback in the contentious administrative jurisdiction in which the Treasury Attorney, Rodolfo Barra, has worked for years, an experienced administrative lawyer. But the leadership of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) outmaneuvered the government, and achieved a resounding victory in the labor jurisdiction with the precautionary measure that stopped the labor reform chapter included in the DNU devised by Sturzenegger. Yesterday, Justice delivered another bad news to the government: Judge Enrique Lavié Pico, of the federal contentious and administrative jurisdiction through which very powerful operators parade, authorized the January fair to process the protections that seek to declare the unconstitutionality of that decree, and defined that the labor chapter will continue its course in the homonymous jurisdiction, contrary to what the Executive intended.
A reality check for a government that seeks to change the logic of the political, economic and judicial system.
In Congress, La Libertad Avanza also encountered for the moment a dispersion of the parliamentary composition that risks an uncertain result for the Omnibus Law sent by Milei as part of the package of ambitious reforms that he projects for the beginning of his administration.
To speed up the parliamentary negotiations, Macri understood that the best thing was for the PRO to keep the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, and insisted in that sense so that this role would be exercised by Cristian Ritondo. When he took office in 2015, the then president endorsed with that same logic that María Eugenia Vidal co-govern in the Legislature during her first year in office with , the former Minister of Economy and former presidential candidate that the PRO founder now rants about. Massa then anointed Jorge Sarghini, and Vidal's first year in Buenos Aires had no major complications.Sergio Massa
Now, Milei considered that the legislators of that space, the PRO, that Ritondo could bring together under his leadership would support his reforms in any way. Maybe he was right. But the leadership of Martín Menem, a legislator with a last name with history but little experience, will have to exercise his capacity for collecting wills full-time in these weeks. Francos wanted a sector of federal Peronism for that place. He had thought of Florencio Randazzo . Milei finally decided on someone of her own.
Yesterday, Francos had to accept that the government reversed the reforms in the Federal Fisheries Regime of the Omnibus Law after complaints presented by the governor of Chubut and the mayor of General Pueyrredón, Ignacio Torres and Guillermo Montenegro, respectively, after the two meetings that the minister held with them in their office at Casa Rosada.
Other modifications to the law submitted last week to Parliament are also expected. In the case of the sector in which deputies such as Emilio Monzó, Miguel Ángel Pichetto < stand out a i=4>and Nicolás Massot, they want to drastically limit the modifications. They have the advice of Roberto Dromi, one of the leading experts in administrative law who, despite what is reported, has no influence over the president. The lawyer, one of the main brains of the reform of the Menemist State, was consulted by the libertarian team during the campaign.
Hurried in his strategy, almost a month after his inauguration, Milei is still convinced that he has enough social support to advance with his reforms. This is what, a priori, the most serious surveys show. There is still a noticeable discomfort with the present, and expectation for future improvements. But there is one fact that is beginning to worry, although in an incipient way: a certain “anguish” on the part of the libertarian electorate itself due to the magnitude of the crisis and the impact of the mega devaluation on daily life.
It is one of the reasons why Milei chose Patricia Bullrich to stand out in his cabinet: in the absence of good news in the economic area, the possibility of “ordering” the social protest and building a story around the security area was what motivated the president, even despite Macri, to invite the president of the PRO to his cabinet. And what gave rise to the anti-picketing protocol, celebrated by the government in its first interventions. The dilemma, in the face of the general strike and the march of the labor union scheduled for the end of the month, is to sustain it over time. The clock is ticking at giant steps.
