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Congress appears again as a central test for Milei: extraordinary sessions and negotiation with Macri - Infobae
Source:
www.infobae.com
February 14, 2024
The President defines his strategy after the fall of the Omnibus Law. The point is whether he maintains the shock policy or seeks a more or less permanent agreement mechanism. Times are decisive, in a tense climate for its legislative space and the negotiations with the PRO
By Eduardo Aulicino
Martín Menem, leading the Deputies in the treatment of the omnibus law. It is a key position for legislative management
Javier Milei 's circle makes it clear that there is no rush to define the scope of a possible agreement with Mauricio Macri . Close to the former president they point out their own journey on internal ground as a preliminary step to larger negotiations. And speculation, never completely closed, says that the focus would have been limited to the legislative field . That, for now, puts the focus back on a reality that is difficult to avoid: Congress as a political sphere and test . The President must decide if he extends the extraordinary sessions and with what system of alliances, temporary or more fundamental , he moves after the outcome of the Omnibus Law.
The times and some objectives set out in the ruling party's speech add touches of uncertainty to the picture . Tomorrow, Thursday, this stage of extraordinary sessions ends and Milei must decide whether to extend it until the end of the month . Afterwards, the ordinary cycle will begin and we will see what the Executive does , starting with the formal opening ceremony. The agenda, then, will no longer depend exclusively on your will.
It's not just about the calendar, brief. Some steps that would be proposed to the Government and others caused by brakes on the initial strategy also stand out. The most notable example is the labor reform , with the addition of the battle that looms on the horizon for the management of special funds destined for the social works of the unions. The section of the DNU intended to modify labor legislation was blocked in Justice , as a result of resources from the Cegetista bosses. And for some time now the version has been circulating about the insistence through a bill .
The question is what move the Government imagines to rebuild relations in the Deputies, after the charge especially directed at sectors of the “dialogue” opposition , that is, the UCR, We Make the Federal Coalition and other spaces, almost all linked to governors. It constitutes the epilogue of the mismanagement with the Omnibus Law and its fall . The PRO provided quite extensive support and, as will be seen, the tension was replenished by the places it could occupy if there is finally an agreement to work together.
The matter can be seen differently in the Senate, but with a similar question about the game that LLA seeks to impose , in its minority status. The ruling party achieved a delicate fabric that allowed it to guarantee itself the decisive positions for the management of the Chamber. It was an understanding with the PRO, the UCR and provincial spaces. All with adjusted numbers . He could not, however, impose the Single Paper Ballot law. And now he would try, if time allows, to move forward with the project on money laundering.
In the latter case, the point is whether the sessions are extended, as a gesture that should transcend Congress and address international recommendations . But first, the question is whether the ruling party establishes, even if it works law by law, some system of alliances like the one that allowed it to secure the authorities of the two chambers. The same is not consistent with Milei's discursive offensive against the legislative "caste", which crossed all limits with the presentation of deputies who rejected some of the articles of the megaproject and, in parallel, with a broadside against the governors .
The explanation about the tendency to manufacture the “enemy” seems insufficient and becomes alarming when it is projected to the extreme of a warning to govern without Congress . In practice, an initial contradiction arises, assuming that the strategy really points to an understanding with the PRO, broad or limited to Congress.
Javier Milei, in his meeting with governors at the start of the administration. The relationship is now very tense
The alternative of an understanding between the LLA and the PRO is considered - even in opposition media outside the conversations between Milei and Macri - as an element that could organize the board in Congress , even far from guaranteeing the number. Ordering would mean, first of all, improving the scope for negotiations and legislative agreements .
There are elements that, due to repetition, surpass the explanations of inexperience and would speak of a rather rudimentary mechanism to smooth expectations , in the case of potential partners, or speculate with the "weight of the vote" or the "social endorsement" of the Government, in based on the limited reading of the ballot .
It was striking that the versions about a renewed negotiation with Macri came first from the presidential circuit , with the addition of the reference to a quick and broad coronation, that is, in Congress and at management levels. With common sense and experience from previous tours, some macristas pointed out that this type of treatment is only spread when they are closed or very advanced . Conversely, they would produce wear and tear or, at least, lower the price of the new partner's contribution .
In any case, apart from versions about adjustments in second ministerial lines - a category inapplicable, for example, to the Anses, which remained vacant -, the prospect of an understanding in Deputies - later the Senate would be seen - recreated suspicions and misgivings in the spaces of the officialdom and the PRO . To begin with, the fight for the presidency of the lower house is remembered , which went to Martín Menem and not to Cristian Ritondo . This position is key for legislative management, above the head of the official block or interblock .
Both the LLA and the yellow block drag their internals . The possibility of some compensation outside Congress - Anses reappears in the imagination of the negotiations - seems insufficient to resolve the underlying issue: the type of mechanics that Milei promotes , far from co-government - which everyone rejects - but with practical sense and commitments clear .
The link with the governors is noted along the same lines. The Government decided to treat the group of provincial leaders - none of them pro-government - as a whole and in the enemy's path . It seems unsustainable over time, regardless of the fact that some measures are foreseeable even for governors who maintain the expectation of a reasonable relationship with the national Executive. Milei and, above all, Luis Caputo end up presenting the “adjustment” on the provinces not as a necessity to face the crisis but as a punishment for the vote that precipitated the fall of the omnibus law.
Also in this area, it is not clear how to combine such burdens and supposed objectives of the Government. In addition to the institutional risk , a practical question arises : does a political understanding - in this case, with the PRO and still restricted to Congress - make sense on a par with a confrontation with no return with the governors of the entire country? The provincial heads gravitate to a greater or lesser extent in the Senate and, at this stage, in Deputies .
The clock is ticking, not only to define the continuity or not of the extraordinary sessions.
Source:
El Congreso se muestra otra vez como prueba central para Milei: sesiones extraordinarias y negociación con Macri
El Presidente define su estrategia tras la caída de la Ley Ómnibus. El punto es si mantiene la política de choque o busca un mecanismo de acuerdos más o menos permanente. Los tiempos son determinantes, en un clima tenso para su espacio legislativo y las tratativas con el PRO
www.infobae.com
February 14, 2024
The President defines his strategy after the fall of the Omnibus Law. The point is whether he maintains the shock policy or seeks a more or less permanent agreement mechanism. Times are decisive, in a tense climate for its legislative space and the negotiations with the PRO
By Eduardo Aulicino
Martín Menem, leading the Deputies in the treatment of the omnibus law. It is a key position for legislative management
Javier Milei 's circle makes it clear that there is no rush to define the scope of a possible agreement with Mauricio Macri . Close to the former president they point out their own journey on internal ground as a preliminary step to larger negotiations. And speculation, never completely closed, says that the focus would have been limited to the legislative field . That, for now, puts the focus back on a reality that is difficult to avoid: Congress as a political sphere and test . The President must decide if he extends the extraordinary sessions and with what system of alliances, temporary or more fundamental , he moves after the outcome of the Omnibus Law.
The times and some objectives set out in the ruling party's speech add touches of uncertainty to the picture . Tomorrow, Thursday, this stage of extraordinary sessions ends and Milei must decide whether to extend it until the end of the month . Afterwards, the ordinary cycle will begin and we will see what the Executive does , starting with the formal opening ceremony. The agenda, then, will no longer depend exclusively on your will.
It's not just about the calendar, brief. Some steps that would be proposed to the Government and others caused by brakes on the initial strategy also stand out. The most notable example is the labor reform , with the addition of the battle that looms on the horizon for the management of special funds destined for the social works of the unions. The section of the DNU intended to modify labor legislation was blocked in Justice , as a result of resources from the Cegetista bosses. And for some time now the version has been circulating about the insistence through a bill .
The question is what move the Government imagines to rebuild relations in the Deputies, after the charge especially directed at sectors of the “dialogue” opposition , that is, the UCR, We Make the Federal Coalition and other spaces, almost all linked to governors. It constitutes the epilogue of the mismanagement with the Omnibus Law and its fall . The PRO provided quite extensive support and, as will be seen, the tension was replenished by the places it could occupy if there is finally an agreement to work together.
The matter can be seen differently in the Senate, but with a similar question about the game that LLA seeks to impose , in its minority status. The ruling party achieved a delicate fabric that allowed it to guarantee itself the decisive positions for the management of the Chamber. It was an understanding with the PRO, the UCR and provincial spaces. All with adjusted numbers . He could not, however, impose the Single Paper Ballot law. And now he would try, if time allows, to move forward with the project on money laundering.
In the latter case, the point is whether the sessions are extended, as a gesture that should transcend Congress and address international recommendations . But first, the question is whether the ruling party establishes, even if it works law by law, some system of alliances like the one that allowed it to secure the authorities of the two chambers. The same is not consistent with Milei's discursive offensive against the legislative "caste", which crossed all limits with the presentation of deputies who rejected some of the articles of the megaproject and, in parallel, with a broadside against the governors .
The explanation about the tendency to manufacture the “enemy” seems insufficient and becomes alarming when it is projected to the extreme of a warning to govern without Congress . In practice, an initial contradiction arises, assuming that the strategy really points to an understanding with the PRO, broad or limited to Congress.
Javier Milei, in his meeting with governors at the start of the administration. The relationship is now very tense
The alternative of an understanding between the LLA and the PRO is considered - even in opposition media outside the conversations between Milei and Macri - as an element that could organize the board in Congress , even far from guaranteeing the number. Ordering would mean, first of all, improving the scope for negotiations and legislative agreements .
There are elements that, due to repetition, surpass the explanations of inexperience and would speak of a rather rudimentary mechanism to smooth expectations , in the case of potential partners, or speculate with the "weight of the vote" or the "social endorsement" of the Government, in based on the limited reading of the ballot .
It was striking that the versions about a renewed negotiation with Macri came first from the presidential circuit , with the addition of the reference to a quick and broad coronation, that is, in Congress and at management levels. With common sense and experience from previous tours, some macristas pointed out that this type of treatment is only spread when they are closed or very advanced . Conversely, they would produce wear and tear or, at least, lower the price of the new partner's contribution .
In any case, apart from versions about adjustments in second ministerial lines - a category inapplicable, for example, to the Anses, which remained vacant -, the prospect of an understanding in Deputies - later the Senate would be seen - recreated suspicions and misgivings in the spaces of the officialdom and the PRO . To begin with, the fight for the presidency of the lower house is remembered , which went to Martín Menem and not to Cristian Ritondo . This position is key for legislative management, above the head of the official block or interblock .
Both the LLA and the yellow block drag their internals . The possibility of some compensation outside Congress - Anses reappears in the imagination of the negotiations - seems insufficient to resolve the underlying issue: the type of mechanics that Milei promotes , far from co-government - which everyone rejects - but with practical sense and commitments clear .
The link with the governors is noted along the same lines. The Government decided to treat the group of provincial leaders - none of them pro-government - as a whole and in the enemy's path . It seems unsustainable over time, regardless of the fact that some measures are foreseeable even for governors who maintain the expectation of a reasonable relationship with the national Executive. Milei and, above all, Luis Caputo end up presenting the “adjustment” on the provinces not as a necessity to face the crisis but as a punishment for the vote that precipitated the fall of the omnibus law.
Also in this area, it is not clear how to combine such burdens and supposed objectives of the Government. In addition to the institutional risk , a practical question arises : does a political understanding - in this case, with the PRO and still restricted to Congress - make sense on a par with a confrontation with no return with the governors of the entire country? The provincial heads gravitate to a greater or lesser extent in the Senate and, at this stage, in Deputies .
The clock is ticking, not only to define the continuity or not of the extraordinary sessions.
