Dialoguists, adversaries and collaborators: how the governors are divided in the relationship with Milei - Infobae
Source:
www.infobae.com
February 21, 2024
The President chose to systematically confront a group of leaders who criticized his economic measures and did not support the Omnibus Law. Allies and rivals in a 70-day administration
By Joaquin Mújica Diaz
Milei decided to confront the governors systematically
“The biggest mistake was believing that I could negotiate and make an honest proposal to the governors ,” was the sentence that Javier Milei chose to tell what he recognized as his main setback in these first 70 days of government. He blamed them for having had to remove the fiscal chapter from the Omnibus Law and, subsequently, having to cancel the project due to lack of support.
Since the legislative failure to this point, the President built a story about the virtues of his administration and the obstacles he received from the opposition. In his last media intervention he assured that Congress “is a nest of rats” and that “politicians are idiots.” With those words and in a tone that any Argentine, at this point in the game, can already imagine.
In management terms, the fall of the Bases Law was the most significant political event of the first three months of the libertarian government. In terms of building alliances, the immediate and surprising degradation in the relationship between Milei and the provincial leaders is the main portrait of the President's way of understanding politics.
The Head of State does not have any governor of La Libertad Avanza. Of the 24 districts, 10 are from Together for Change (JxC); 8 of Union for the Homeland (UP); and 6 belong to provincial forces. That is the division on the map regarding party membership. But the multiple conflict fronts opened by Milei generated a dispersion in ties. Since there are no defined leaders, not all governors move as a bloc.
None of the 24 governors are part of La Libertad Avanza
From the beginning of the administration, the will of the governors who are part of Together for Change was to present themselves as a collaborative opposition. Most of them ousted Peronism from their provinces with electoral successes. That line of argument allowed them to show themselves as the renewal of an exhausted political cycle.
The provincial defeats and the defeat at the national level left Peronism withered, which is trying to organize itself and listen, once again, to the interventions of Cristina Kirchner. A clear example of the current horizontality of the political space is the flirtation of two of its governors with Milei's management. Raúl Jalil (Catamarca) and Osvaldo Jaldo (Tucumán) throw down walls with the Casa Rosada.
The man from Catamarca is one of those who believes that there was a need to settle accounts and that it is important to give governability to the President. “Raúl is a man of consensus and he fulfills an institutional role,” said a leader who is extremely trusted by the president. The Tucumán went one step further. He broke the block of UP deputies, removed the three legislators who answer to him and asked them to accompany the Omnibus Law. In light of the facts, a risky political move that ended up going wrong.
Although in the negotiation the Tucuman managed to erase from the project the repeal of the sugar protection regime and the exclusion of lemon and its derivatives from the increase in withholdings, his place within Peronism was greatly weakened. The law did not pass and Jaldo ended up uncomfortable in a province where there is a marked favoritism for Peronism. But, at the same time, if they modified the regime, the loss of income would be very great. I can't balance it and the bill may arrive at some point.
The meeting of governors in Salta led by Guillermo Francos
Catamarca legislators voted against the law. Khalil was smarter in moving. And he continues to be one of the governors who has a good connection with Balcarce 50. Yesterday he was part of a meeting held in Salta by some governors of provincial forces with the Minister of the Interior, Guillermo Francos. He was with Jaldo, Hugo Passalacqua (Misiones), Gustavo Sáenz (Salta), Carlos Sadir (Jujuy).
They are all governors who from the beginning were in the group of those who wanted to open communication channels with Milei or, directly, collaborate in government management. However, the fall of the Omnibus Law led the Government to treat the leaders of Salta and Jujuy as “traitors”, because their legislators did not support some of the articles of the project with their vote.
Sadir was cautious. Last week he was in Francos' office smoothing things over. Sáenz was tougher. “We are not going to kneel before anyone. Only before God and the Virgin of the Miracle. There are no traitors or liars here ,” he said at an event a few days ago, after Milei fired the Secretary of Mining, Flavia Royón, from the Government, who responds politically to the northern president.
The two were with Francos in Salta. Both have the desire to have a good relationship with the Government. “The relationship is good. We always help the President. We do not understand why we were accused of being traitors,” they explained in Jujuy. Furthermore, they highlight that it was all information that turned off the record. There were no public accusations, like those that Milei launched against Martín Llaryora (Córdoba) and Maximiliano Pullaro (Santa Fe).
Martín Llaryora from Cordoba is the main one targeted by the national government
The man from Santa Fe is the only one of the JxC governors who has a public confrontation with the president. In the Casa Rosada they link him to the radicalism sector led by Martín Lousteau and they accuse him of voting against the legislators of the province he leads. Consequently, they included him in the list of enemies who do not support the changes proposed by the President, but who were voted by the citizens to carry out a change to the efforts of Peronism.
Pullaro, like the rest of the JxC leaders, intends to take care of the institutional relationship with the Government, but raised his voice when the Head of State, in a reflex action due to the legislative defeat, moved forward with the removal of transportation subsidies. inside. The radical president lowered his tone and avoided constant confrontation. A position diametrically opposed to that chosen by Llaryora from Córdoba, the main public enemy of the national government.
The governor of Córdoba was condescending to the Government until the Omnibus Law, where he pressured for the PAIS tax to be shared. The Government refused to give it to him and the Córdoba deputies withdrew their support for the law in the articles. From then on Milei chose Llaryora as his main enemy. He questioned the budget of the official agenda, his decisions in cultural policy and his role in the opposition. He used militant tweeters to harass and criticize him. “He who betrays once, he always betrays,” repeats the President when asked about the Cordoban.
Llaryora is, above all, an exponent of Córdoba Peronism. He is the new leader of a provincial force that has a solid supremacy in the country's second most important electoral district. Although his decision was to open the game with the Casa Rosada to provide immediate management support, Milei's permanent attacks pushed him to the deck, where he decided to defend with words. He accused the President of wanting to melt down the interior of the country and make a “brutal adjustment.” If good harmony ever existed, it is now a thing of the past.
Alberto Weretilneck and Rolando Figueroa are among the governors who maintain a distant relationship with the Casa Rosada
Rolando Figueroa (Neuquén) and Alberto Weretilnek (Río Negro) were also targeted by the Government after the Omnibus Law. Both joined the claim for the Teacher Incentive Fund and also intimated the national state for the hydroelectric concessions. They are playing in tandem and distanced themselves from the Casa Rosada. They have their own weight and are willing to negotiate, but not to be ridiculed with insults.
The governors of Unión por la Patria - leaving aside Jalil and Jaldo - have positioned themselves as the toughest opponents of the libertarian administration. Ricardo Quintela (La Rioja) and Axel Kicillof (Buenos Aires) are the ones who have most confronted the President and his decisions in economic policy. One step below appears Gerardo Zamora (Santiago del Estero), who started the new government with the aspiration of being a bridge for dialogue with Peronism but encountered Milei's atypical crudeness in political dealings.
The governors could be grouped under three headings: Dialoguists, adversaries and collaborators. Three ways to relate to a president who has broken all the molds in institutional dialogue.
The majority of representatives of the provincial parties are found in the group of dialogueists . Willing to negotiate, strong in their resistance and autonomous in their political positions. There are Alberto Weretilneck (Río Negro), Claudio Vidal (Santa Cruz), Rolando Figueroa (Neuquén) and Gustavo Sáenz (Salta),
On the list of opponents are Martín Llaryora (Córdoba), Axel Kicillof (Buenos Aires), Sergio Ziliotto (La Pampa), Gerardo Zamora (Santiago del Estero), Gustavo Melella (Tierra del Fuego), Gildo Insfrán (Formosa) and Maximiliano Pullaro (Santa Fe). In this last case, the radical governor's position is to lower the tone of the conflict, but the ruling party continues to target him and the man from Santa Fe responds on his own behalf or on behalf of his closest officials.
Finally, the vast majority of JxC leaders are in the group of collaborators . All with the will to sustain libertarian management and give it a more voluminous governance framework. Appearing there are Gustavo Valdés (Corrientes), Leandro Zdero (Chaco), Jorge Macri (CABA), Rogelio Frigerio (Entre Ríos), Marcelo Orrego (San Juan), Claudio Poggi (San Luis), Ignacio Torres (Chubut), Alfredo Cornejo ( Mendoza), Carlos Sadir (Jujuy), Osvaldo Jaldo (Tucumán), Raúl Jalil (Catamarca) and Hugo Passalaqua (Misiones).
X-ray of a map that can break at the most unexpected moment.
Source:
Dialoguistas, adversarios y colaboradores: cómo se dividen los gobernadores en la relación con Milei
El Presidente optó por enfrentar sistemáticamente a un grupo de mandatarios que criticaron sus medidas económicas y no respaldaron la Ley Ómnibus. Aliados y rivales en una gestión de 70 días
www.infobae.com
February 21, 2024
The President chose to systematically confront a group of leaders who criticized his economic measures and did not support the Omnibus Law. Allies and rivals in a 70-day administration
By Joaquin Mújica Diaz
Milei decided to confront the governors systematically
“The biggest mistake was believing that I could negotiate and make an honest proposal to the governors ,” was the sentence that Javier Milei chose to tell what he recognized as his main setback in these first 70 days of government. He blamed them for having had to remove the fiscal chapter from the Omnibus Law and, subsequently, having to cancel the project due to lack of support.
Since the legislative failure to this point, the President built a story about the virtues of his administration and the obstacles he received from the opposition. In his last media intervention he assured that Congress “is a nest of rats” and that “politicians are idiots.” With those words and in a tone that any Argentine, at this point in the game, can already imagine.
In management terms, the fall of the Bases Law was the most significant political event of the first three months of the libertarian government. In terms of building alliances, the immediate and surprising degradation in the relationship between Milei and the provincial leaders is the main portrait of the President's way of understanding politics.
The Head of State does not have any governor of La Libertad Avanza. Of the 24 districts, 10 are from Together for Change (JxC); 8 of Union for the Homeland (UP); and 6 belong to provincial forces. That is the division on the map regarding party membership. But the multiple conflict fronts opened by Milei generated a dispersion in ties. Since there are no defined leaders, not all governors move as a bloc.
None of the 24 governors are part of La Libertad Avanza
From the beginning of the administration, the will of the governors who are part of Together for Change was to present themselves as a collaborative opposition. Most of them ousted Peronism from their provinces with electoral successes. That line of argument allowed them to show themselves as the renewal of an exhausted political cycle.
The provincial defeats and the defeat at the national level left Peronism withered, which is trying to organize itself and listen, once again, to the interventions of Cristina Kirchner. A clear example of the current horizontality of the political space is the flirtation of two of its governors with Milei's management. Raúl Jalil (Catamarca) and Osvaldo Jaldo (Tucumán) throw down walls with the Casa Rosada.
The man from Catamarca is one of those who believes that there was a need to settle accounts and that it is important to give governability to the President. “Raúl is a man of consensus and he fulfills an institutional role,” said a leader who is extremely trusted by the president. The Tucumán went one step further. He broke the block of UP deputies, removed the three legislators who answer to him and asked them to accompany the Omnibus Law. In light of the facts, a risky political move that ended up going wrong.
Although in the negotiation the Tucuman managed to erase from the project the repeal of the sugar protection regime and the exclusion of lemon and its derivatives from the increase in withholdings, his place within Peronism was greatly weakened. The law did not pass and Jaldo ended up uncomfortable in a province where there is a marked favoritism for Peronism. But, at the same time, if they modified the regime, the loss of income would be very great. I can't balance it and the bill may arrive at some point.
The meeting of governors in Salta led by Guillermo Francos
Catamarca legislators voted against the law. Khalil was smarter in moving. And he continues to be one of the governors who has a good connection with Balcarce 50. Yesterday he was part of a meeting held in Salta by some governors of provincial forces with the Minister of the Interior, Guillermo Francos. He was with Jaldo, Hugo Passalacqua (Misiones), Gustavo Sáenz (Salta), Carlos Sadir (Jujuy).
They are all governors who from the beginning were in the group of those who wanted to open communication channels with Milei or, directly, collaborate in government management. However, the fall of the Omnibus Law led the Government to treat the leaders of Salta and Jujuy as “traitors”, because their legislators did not support some of the articles of the project with their vote.
Sadir was cautious. Last week he was in Francos' office smoothing things over. Sáenz was tougher. “We are not going to kneel before anyone. Only before God and the Virgin of the Miracle. There are no traitors or liars here ,” he said at an event a few days ago, after Milei fired the Secretary of Mining, Flavia Royón, from the Government, who responds politically to the northern president.
The two were with Francos in Salta. Both have the desire to have a good relationship with the Government. “The relationship is good. We always help the President. We do not understand why we were accused of being traitors,” they explained in Jujuy. Furthermore, they highlight that it was all information that turned off the record. There were no public accusations, like those that Milei launched against Martín Llaryora (Córdoba) and Maximiliano Pullaro (Santa Fe).
Martín Llaryora from Cordoba is the main one targeted by the national government
The man from Santa Fe is the only one of the JxC governors who has a public confrontation with the president. In the Casa Rosada they link him to the radicalism sector led by Martín Lousteau and they accuse him of voting against the legislators of the province he leads. Consequently, they included him in the list of enemies who do not support the changes proposed by the President, but who were voted by the citizens to carry out a change to the efforts of Peronism.
Pullaro, like the rest of the JxC leaders, intends to take care of the institutional relationship with the Government, but raised his voice when the Head of State, in a reflex action due to the legislative defeat, moved forward with the removal of transportation subsidies. inside. The radical president lowered his tone and avoided constant confrontation. A position diametrically opposed to that chosen by Llaryora from Córdoba, the main public enemy of the national government.
The governor of Córdoba was condescending to the Government until the Omnibus Law, where he pressured for the PAIS tax to be shared. The Government refused to give it to him and the Córdoba deputies withdrew their support for the law in the articles. From then on Milei chose Llaryora as his main enemy. He questioned the budget of the official agenda, his decisions in cultural policy and his role in the opposition. He used militant tweeters to harass and criticize him. “He who betrays once, he always betrays,” repeats the President when asked about the Cordoban.
Llaryora is, above all, an exponent of Córdoba Peronism. He is the new leader of a provincial force that has a solid supremacy in the country's second most important electoral district. Although his decision was to open the game with the Casa Rosada to provide immediate management support, Milei's permanent attacks pushed him to the deck, where he decided to defend with words. He accused the President of wanting to melt down the interior of the country and make a “brutal adjustment.” If good harmony ever existed, it is now a thing of the past.
Alberto Weretilneck and Rolando Figueroa are among the governors who maintain a distant relationship with the Casa Rosada
Rolando Figueroa (Neuquén) and Alberto Weretilnek (Río Negro) were also targeted by the Government after the Omnibus Law. Both joined the claim for the Teacher Incentive Fund and also intimated the national state for the hydroelectric concessions. They are playing in tandem and distanced themselves from the Casa Rosada. They have their own weight and are willing to negotiate, but not to be ridiculed with insults.
The governors of Unión por la Patria - leaving aside Jalil and Jaldo - have positioned themselves as the toughest opponents of the libertarian administration. Ricardo Quintela (La Rioja) and Axel Kicillof (Buenos Aires) are the ones who have most confronted the President and his decisions in economic policy. One step below appears Gerardo Zamora (Santiago del Estero), who started the new government with the aspiration of being a bridge for dialogue with Peronism but encountered Milei's atypical crudeness in political dealings.
The governors could be grouped under three headings: Dialoguists, adversaries and collaborators. Three ways to relate to a president who has broken all the molds in institutional dialogue.
The majority of representatives of the provincial parties are found in the group of dialogueists . Willing to negotiate, strong in their resistance and autonomous in their political positions. There are Alberto Weretilneck (Río Negro), Claudio Vidal (Santa Cruz), Rolando Figueroa (Neuquén) and Gustavo Sáenz (Salta),
On the list of opponents are Martín Llaryora (Córdoba), Axel Kicillof (Buenos Aires), Sergio Ziliotto (La Pampa), Gerardo Zamora (Santiago del Estero), Gustavo Melella (Tierra del Fuego), Gildo Insfrán (Formosa) and Maximiliano Pullaro (Santa Fe). In this last case, the radical governor's position is to lower the tone of the conflict, but the ruling party continues to target him and the man from Santa Fe responds on his own behalf or on behalf of his closest officials.
Finally, the vast majority of JxC leaders are in the group of collaborators . All with the will to sustain libertarian management and give it a more voluminous governance framework. Appearing there are Gustavo Valdés (Corrientes), Leandro Zdero (Chaco), Jorge Macri (CABA), Rogelio Frigerio (Entre Ríos), Marcelo Orrego (San Juan), Claudio Poggi (San Luis), Ignacio Torres (Chubut), Alfredo Cornejo ( Mendoza), Carlos Sadir (Jujuy), Osvaldo Jaldo (Tucumán), Raúl Jalil (Catamarca) and Hugo Passalaqua (Misiones).
X-ray of a map that can break at the most unexpected moment.
