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Peronism is increasingly uncomfortable due to the social support for Milei and fails to capitalize on the Government's errors - Infobae
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El peronismo está cada vez más incómodo por el respaldo social a Milei y no logra capitalizar los errores del Gobierno
En la coalición no hay claridad sobre cómo posicionarse respecto a las intervenciones del Presidente. El impacto del paro de la CGT, la disyuntiva sobre la renovación y el silencio como estrategia
www.infobae.com
May 11, 2024
In the coalition there is no clarity on how to position itself regarding the President's interventions. The impact of the CGT strike, the dilemma over renewal and silence as a strategy
By Joaquin Múgica Diaz
“Milei has a speech for when he wins, draws or loses. In all of them she comes out well. If Congress rejects the omnibus law, it is the caste that defends its privileges. If it is approved but with modifications, it is a triumph with some complaints from the caste. If it is approved as the Government wanted, it is the greatest of victories. He never loses. He always wins. The three speeches are already well put together.”
The reflection belongs to a Kirchner official who looks critically at the movements of the President and the opposition. The difficult days of Peronism, which does not find a way to capitalize on the unforced errors of the national government or the application of the most controversial policies. The cultural and economic battle at the same time, which Milei carries out without prejudice and which exposes the coalition, which does not have a unified action plan.
The political force is in the worst scenario of the last decade . It is still assimilating the defeat of the elections, it does not have a leadership that leads the entire space, Kirchnerism is immersed in an internal process of power and name changes, the political system was dynamited and Javier Milei, despite all the opposition predictions, continues with its plan for adjustment and rearrangement of the macroeconomy, maintaining important social support.
The disorder in which Peronism coexists prevents it from standing with authority in front of society. It seems to be a quite logical scenario, considering that there is no clear identity nor the possibility of crossing the limits of self-representation. “People don't want to hear us talk. "He doesn't want to see us," said a long-time leader. This situation is what leads them to not know how to face the Milei phenomenon.
Cristina Kirchner returned to the main scene and absorbed the opposition centrality (AFP)
A large part of the leadership perceives that the less politicized sector of society no longer wants to listen to Cristina Kirchner. Not even seeing it. They don't want to listen to Sergio Massa either. A new process is underway after four years of Peronist government. It is no coincidence that the former Minister of Economy, who is preparing the presentation of his book for the end of this month, has decided to keep a low profile since he left office. The internal dilemma is how to renew themselves without people rejecting them and find how to put Milei in check.
The march to demand that there be no reduction in the budget of Public Universities was a shot in the foot for the Government. They escalated a conflict that they later could not control and that put thousands of people on the streets who marked the field for Milei. Part of Peronism wanted to take advantage of the situation but could not. For the President it was a goal against, but for the opposition it turned out to be a wasted option in their attempt to legitimize the claim through politics. A mistake.
In Peronism there are multiple meetings in which they talk about how to position themselves against Milei. The reasons why the President continues to retain important support from society are analyzed, why his controversial expressions are not taken into account in the magnitude of what they imply and how the opposition should do to revalue its role but, at the same time , become a reliable option.
Among all these meetings, there is one that is held with some regularity in San Fernando, where the massista Juan Andriotti governs. In these gatherings , Cristina Kirchner and Sergio Massa have met , and the leaders closest to both such as the campers Eduardo “Wado” de Pedro, Paula Penacca and Mayra Mendoza, in addition to Máximo Kirchner and Cecilia Moreau, one of the main voices of the Front Renovator.
Sergio Massa and Cristina Kirchner maintain a solid political partnership after the electoral defeat (REUTERS)
The former president and the former Minister of Economy are very active. The first from the Instituto Patria, where the leader of La Cámpora also spends many hours of his life, and the second from his historic offices on Avenida Libertador, where the Encuentro Foundation operates, where many of the former officials who worked for him work. They accompanied them on their way through the Treasury Palace. Both are in permanent communication with legislators, governors, union members and mayors. They continue to be transcendent, influential and mobile.
CFK will appear on the scene today for the third time in 15 days. A clear gesture that seeks to concentrate the opposition's centrality in his figure. Those around them assure that the objective of their words is to expose the weaknesses and cracks in libertarian politics. And explain in detail the reasons why Milei's speech, that the adjustment falls on caste, is false and can be seen in the loss of purchasing power and jobs.
That same discursive line , inside his political space, is what Sergio Massa explains. He emphasizes to his own people that the sacrifice that the middle class is making is inefficient and that it falls on the salaried sectors. The former minister is one of those who believes that people do not want to see politicians talking about politics. Watching or listening to the internal discussions of Peronism is the main mechanism to scare them away.
The account they make in the massismo is that of the sector that rejects the Government - close to half of the electorate -, in its composition 90% did not vote for it and 10% are disillusioned. This entire sector, but especially those who trusted and are not satisfied with the libertarian direction, wants to see the opposition's strength to discuss Milei's policies and measures, not to debate internal power and the renewal of leadership.
The CGT strike had different repercussions within Peronism, where some believe it ends up being counterproductive (Luciano González)
Of course that time will come. But for both Cristina Kirchner and Sergio Massa, the time for discussion should be next year , closer to the legislative elections. Furthermore, they warn that the society married Milei five months ago and that it is difficult for them to see the weaknesses of the libertarian action plan. Not because of a lack of capacity, but because the confidence placed in the vote was great. It was the people - through the elections - who broke the established political system and opened the door to an outsider like Milei.
The frequent meetings, the telephone calls that are maintained over time and the similar political positions in these first months of the new government, are a clear example that the Kirchner-Massa society continues to be very strong , despite the electoral defeat and the differences. ideological background that always separated them. A seamless political bloc that remains united and has the power to influence the Peronist orbit.
That scheme that the two leaders make up is only one terminal of the Peronist world. Massa, for example, recommended to the CGT not to carry out the first general strike just a few weeks after the start of the new administration. The labor union did the same and exposed itself to an official communication strategy in which they stressed that in four years of Alberto Fernández's government they had not carried out any strikes.
Some sectors of Peronism believe that the strike ended up being counterproductive for the political space , because the idea that runs through many people is the one that Milei installed: you have to suffer this time to be better later. So, in that logic, the strike is read as a decision that only hinders workers. Especially to those who are discounted for the day or those who need to generate income daily.
The internal discussion of Kirchnerism is uncomfortable for Peronism, at this time when it is trying to renew itself
Most Peronist governors alternate criticism of the national government with long days of silence. The most confrontational, due to the role he has and the place he occupies on the opposition map, is Axel Kicillof , who was in the middle of an intern that was unleashed by one of his main lieutenants, Andrés “Cuervo” Larroque. CFK's claim goes directly to La Plata, believing that they have their focus there and are fighting for next year's lists in advance.
That the discussion about Peronist renewal is taking place after the explosion of the political system - where Together for Change collapsed and La Libertad Avanza is growing from the center to the peripheries - is very uncomfortable for Unión por la Patria. In this context, and with a social contract with the electorate that is worn out, Peronism suffers from the noise of the voices that are still valid and that stopped enamoring the majority. But, at the same time, they don't know who to look to to find the direction to go.
