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The conflict with Chubut exposed Milei's sustained strategy, the oscillating link with the PRO and the differences between Macri and Bullrich - Infobae
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www.infobae.com
February 27, 2024
The president revalidated his plan to confront the political system from the networks, without party distinction. The attempt to capitalize the Minister of Security and the dilemma of the former president in the face of the internal election
By Federico Mayol
Javier Milei, Mauricio Macri and Patricia Bullrich
Until yesterday, late in the afternoon, neither Javier Milei nor Governor Ignacio Torres had any intention of lowering the level of maximum tension surrounding the conflict over Chubut co-participation. As it turned out, once the suspension of the meeting that the Patagonian president had planned to hold together with some of his colleagues with the PRO bloc in Deputies was announced, and after confirmation that he would appear in the local courts and before the Court Supreme Court to judicialize the dispute, they flew over some underground contacts, although very informal and, worse still, “very weak,” according to sources close to the governor.
The night before, a very important leader of the PRO referred to as Mauricio Macri had assured this medium: “It is time for balance and to put out the fire . ” It was already late: throughout the weekend, Milei and Torres had decided to take their positions to the extreme for the $13.5 billion in co-participation that the Casa Rosada withheld from the provincial government due to a debt from the previous administration. Last night, in a message to local legislators, the governor insisted: “I want to talk and agree, but I will never let myself be pressured.”
This Tuesday, meanwhile, the Chubut native would meet in the Senate with colleagues from other political backgrounds.
The governor of Chubut Ignacio Torres confirmed that he will seek to dialogue with the national government but without resigning his claim for the 13 million pesos that the government withheld for a debt.
The conflict between the government and Chubut exposed Milei's systematic strategy of daily revalidating his leadership against the traditional political system, which he called "the caste" since his campaign times, without distinction of opponents or party flags: from the CGT and the governors of the PJ, the UCR and the PRO, even the legislators and the Justice, not to mention popular artists of the stature of Lali Espósito. According to the presidential environment, it is a plan that, for the moment, gave the president enough revenue to, for example, sweeten the brutal fiscal adjustment.
The presidential strategy of confrontation with Torres, endorsed by advisor Santiago Caputo - increasingly mimicking Milei - and executed by the president from social networks, not only ratifies the main management tool, that is, the official story, but also rarifies the climate between La Libertad Avanza and the PRO and adds an extra amount of tension to the relationship between Macri and Patricia Bullrich, in the run-up to the internal election that, if there are no unforeseen events, will return the party presidency to the former president.
In the Macri bunker of Olivos, where Macri spends a good part of his time, a strange sensation hovers over: they believe that Torres played too hard and that technically the president has sufficient legal guarantee to retain the co-shared funds as he did, but that the Milei's offensive against a prominent PRO governor like the one from Chubut does not collaborate with the ideological fusion with the government to which the former head of state adheres. “He is a piece of sh*t ,” Macri's collaborators highlighted this Monday.
In this context, Bullrich once again displayed the audacity that led her to unilaterally accept Milei's offer to take charge of the Ministry of Security, and on Sunday, when the conflict between the government and Chubut could no longer be turned back, He also decided, like the president, to accelerate fully: he distributed among the PRO leadership a very harsh text with the party logo with severe questions about Torres' warning to paralyze the supply of gas and oil if the Casa Rosada did not replenish the provincial funds.
Macri found out about the document when it was already drafted. He screwed it up, even though, among the dozens of adhesions, none of relevance stood out. Yes, he disturbed the name of Federico Angelini in the Macrista bunker - he did not warn him, according to what he said - that he formally works with Bullrich, but that he knew how to be very close to the former president. He also surprised Eduardo Macchiavelli behind closed doors, not because he was a relevant name, but because until a couple of months ago he was referred to as Horacio Rodríguez Larreta , close to Torres and at the opposite end of the PRO's most extreme positions.
Patricia Bullrich, Ignacio Torres and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta in the last presidential campaign, after the provincial elections
It was striking, for his part, that Sebastián García de Luca , Secretary of Federal Articulation of the Ministry of Security, former Bullrich campaign manager, close to the minister, has not signed the document. Regarding the official, they reported last night that De Luca had already decided to resign from his position to return to work close to Rogelio Frigerio, with whom he never cut ties. The former vice minister of the Interior, a dialogue leader, in recent years established a fluid alliance with the governors. The Torres affair , they confided, leaves little room for continuity.
Bullrich took advantage of Macri's public silence to revalidate his membership in the government, capitalize on his internal actions and recover the initiative in view of the closing of party lists, scheduled for the third week of March. “She smelled blood and bit everything,” bullrichista sources explained. PRO sources stressed that, at the bottom, a dialogue survives between leaders of both leaders aimed at confirming the former president as the new party leader: he could be proclaimed, in the event of unity, next month, so that there is no need to wait for the June 2, election day.
The truth is that between Macri and Bullrich the bond is still very strained.
The former president knows that Torres would not be able to lead the country to a gas and oil paralysis as he threatened at the end of last week, but he did analyze that his single public warning would trigger a political crisis that, due to the style of the presidential leadership, would lead Milei to redouble the bet, as he effectively encouraged on social networks. And that would leave him in an awkward position. “Is Macri going to represent the PRO governors who are against Milei?” , an operator of the minister asked this Monday.
Perhaps it has been one of the reasons why the meeting that Cristian Ritondo and the PRO bloc would have yesterday with Rogelio Frigerio, Jorge Macri and Torres has been stopped.
Patricia Bullrich and Mauricio Macri
Macri tried to persuade the Chubut native last Thursday, when he received him in his office in Olivos along with Frigerio and Fernando de Andreis. Macri asked him for time to try to mediate and find a solution to the tax conflict. Those close to the former president assured that the information he revealed about his attempted mediation was “exaggerated,” and that he only made some “peripheral” efforts at the Central Bank. In any case, senior PRO sources confirmed that that same Thursday Macri exchanged messages with Santiago Caputo.
The former head of state is ideologically aligned with Milei: he agrees with the broad outline of the economic program and its implementation. And he is willing to cooperate, despite the Torres affair , which, in parallel, next week will know how the conflict affected his popularity based on public opinion studies.
Macri's collaborators assured in these hours that, beyond the conflict, the PRO and LLA would advance in a kind of parliamentary alliance if the internal conditions are met. For that kind of agreement, the resolution of the Chubut case is key. Also for Macri, who plans to give a couple of television interviews in the coming weeks. Until yesterday, the president of the FIFA foundation had not yet scheduled a face-to-face meeting with Milei, despite the fact that they did exchange WhatsApp messages. Bullrich takes advantage of this lack of definition.
Yes, there is the possible incorporation of officials represented by Macri, who publicly made it clear that neither Bullrich, nor Luis Petri, nor any leader of his kidney had joined the government, despite the list of PRO technicians who work in the cabinet. . The most notable case at this time is that of Julio Garro , the former mayor of La Plata, who has almost everything agreed to join as Secretary of Sports under the umbrella of Daniel Scioli.
Macri is fascinated by the English model of football management, but the former ambassador to Brazil has already sent the former president to tell him that he analyzed the management of Brazilian clubs. Both agree, and are enthusiastic, about sports corporations.
Source:
El conflicto con Chubut expuso la estrategia sostenida de Milei, el vínculo oscilante con el PRO y las diferencias entre Macri y Bullrich
El presidente revalidó su plan de confrontar con el sistema político desde las redes, sin distinción partidaria. El intento de capitalización de la ministra de Seguridad y el dilema del ex presidente de cara a la elección interna
www.infobae.com
February 27, 2024
The president revalidated his plan to confront the political system from the networks, without party distinction. The attempt to capitalize the Minister of Security and the dilemma of the former president in the face of the internal election
By Federico Mayol
Javier Milei, Mauricio Macri and Patricia Bullrich
Until yesterday, late in the afternoon, neither Javier Milei nor Governor Ignacio Torres had any intention of lowering the level of maximum tension surrounding the conflict over Chubut co-participation. As it turned out, once the suspension of the meeting that the Patagonian president had planned to hold together with some of his colleagues with the PRO bloc in Deputies was announced, and after confirmation that he would appear in the local courts and before the Court Supreme Court to judicialize the dispute, they flew over some underground contacts, although very informal and, worse still, “very weak,” according to sources close to the governor.
The night before, a very important leader of the PRO referred to as Mauricio Macri had assured this medium: “It is time for balance and to put out the fire . ” It was already late: throughout the weekend, Milei and Torres had decided to take their positions to the extreme for the $13.5 billion in co-participation that the Casa Rosada withheld from the provincial government due to a debt from the previous administration. Last night, in a message to local legislators, the governor insisted: “I want to talk and agree, but I will never let myself be pressured.”
This Tuesday, meanwhile, the Chubut native would meet in the Senate with colleagues from other political backgrounds.
Ignacio Torres habló en la Legislatura de Chubut
El gobernador de Chubut Ignacio Torres ratificó que buscará dialogar con el gobierno nacional pero sin resignar su reclamo por los 13 millones de pesos que el gobierno retuvo por una deuda.
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The governor of Chubut Ignacio Torres confirmed that he will seek to dialogue with the national government but without resigning his claim for the 13 million pesos that the government withheld for a debt.
The conflict between the government and Chubut exposed Milei's systematic strategy of daily revalidating his leadership against the traditional political system, which he called "the caste" since his campaign times, without distinction of opponents or party flags: from the CGT and the governors of the PJ, the UCR and the PRO, even the legislators and the Justice, not to mention popular artists of the stature of Lali Espósito. According to the presidential environment, it is a plan that, for the moment, gave the president enough revenue to, for example, sweeten the brutal fiscal adjustment.
The presidential strategy of confrontation with Torres, endorsed by advisor Santiago Caputo - increasingly mimicking Milei - and executed by the president from social networks, not only ratifies the main management tool, that is, the official story, but also rarifies the climate between La Libertad Avanza and the PRO and adds an extra amount of tension to the relationship between Macri and Patricia Bullrich, in the run-up to the internal election that, if there are no unforeseen events, will return the party presidency to the former president.
In the Macri bunker of Olivos, where Macri spends a good part of his time, a strange sensation hovers over: they believe that Torres played too hard and that technically the president has sufficient legal guarantee to retain the co-shared funds as he did, but that the Milei's offensive against a prominent PRO governor like the one from Chubut does not collaborate with the ideological fusion with the government to which the former head of state adheres. “He is a piece of sh*t ,” Macri's collaborators highlighted this Monday.
In this context, Bullrich once again displayed the audacity that led her to unilaterally accept Milei's offer to take charge of the Ministry of Security, and on Sunday, when the conflict between the government and Chubut could no longer be turned back, He also decided, like the president, to accelerate fully: he distributed among the PRO leadership a very harsh text with the party logo with severe questions about Torres' warning to paralyze the supply of gas and oil if the Casa Rosada did not replenish the provincial funds.
Macri found out about the document when it was already drafted. He screwed it up, even though, among the dozens of adhesions, none of relevance stood out. Yes, he disturbed the name of Federico Angelini in the Macrista bunker - he did not warn him, according to what he said - that he formally works with Bullrich, but that he knew how to be very close to the former president. He also surprised Eduardo Macchiavelli behind closed doors, not because he was a relevant name, but because until a couple of months ago he was referred to as Horacio Rodríguez Larreta , close to Torres and at the opposite end of the PRO's most extreme positions.
Patricia Bullrich, Ignacio Torres and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta in the last presidential campaign, after the provincial elections
It was striking, for his part, that Sebastián García de Luca , Secretary of Federal Articulation of the Ministry of Security, former Bullrich campaign manager, close to the minister, has not signed the document. Regarding the official, they reported last night that De Luca had already decided to resign from his position to return to work close to Rogelio Frigerio, with whom he never cut ties. The former vice minister of the Interior, a dialogue leader, in recent years established a fluid alliance with the governors. The Torres affair , they confided, leaves little room for continuity.
Bullrich took advantage of Macri's public silence to revalidate his membership in the government, capitalize on his internal actions and recover the initiative in view of the closing of party lists, scheduled for the third week of March. “She smelled blood and bit everything,” bullrichista sources explained. PRO sources stressed that, at the bottom, a dialogue survives between leaders of both leaders aimed at confirming the former president as the new party leader: he could be proclaimed, in the event of unity, next month, so that there is no need to wait for the June 2, election day.
The truth is that between Macri and Bullrich the bond is still very strained.
The former president knows that Torres would not be able to lead the country to a gas and oil paralysis as he threatened at the end of last week, but he did analyze that his single public warning would trigger a political crisis that, due to the style of the presidential leadership, would lead Milei to redouble the bet, as he effectively encouraged on social networks. And that would leave him in an awkward position. “Is Macri going to represent the PRO governors who are against Milei?” , an operator of the minister asked this Monday.
Perhaps it has been one of the reasons why the meeting that Cristian Ritondo and the PRO bloc would have yesterday with Rogelio Frigerio, Jorge Macri and Torres has been stopped.
Patricia Bullrich and Mauricio Macri
Macri tried to persuade the Chubut native last Thursday, when he received him in his office in Olivos along with Frigerio and Fernando de Andreis. Macri asked him for time to try to mediate and find a solution to the tax conflict. Those close to the former president assured that the information he revealed about his attempted mediation was “exaggerated,” and that he only made some “peripheral” efforts at the Central Bank. In any case, senior PRO sources confirmed that that same Thursday Macri exchanged messages with Santiago Caputo.
The former head of state is ideologically aligned with Milei: he agrees with the broad outline of the economic program and its implementation. And he is willing to cooperate, despite the Torres affair , which, in parallel, next week will know how the conflict affected his popularity based on public opinion studies.
Macri's collaborators assured in these hours that, beyond the conflict, the PRO and LLA would advance in a kind of parliamentary alliance if the internal conditions are met. For that kind of agreement, the resolution of the Chubut case is key. Also for Macri, who plans to give a couple of television interviews in the coming weeks. Until yesterday, the president of the FIFA foundation had not yet scheduled a face-to-face meeting with Milei, despite the fact that they did exchange WhatsApp messages. Bullrich takes advantage of this lack of definition.
Yes, there is the possible incorporation of officials represented by Macri, who publicly made it clear that neither Bullrich, nor Luis Petri, nor any leader of his kidney had joined the government, despite the list of PRO technicians who work in the cabinet. . The most notable case at this time is that of Julio Garro , the former mayor of La Plata, who has almost everything agreed to join as Secretary of Sports under the umbrella of Daniel Scioli.
Macri is fascinated by the English model of football management, but the former ambassador to Brazil has already sent the former president to tell him that he analyzed the management of Brazilian clubs. Both agree, and are enthusiastic, about sports corporations.
